Tag Archives: grand jury

Reed, Fighting Corruption Charges, Enlists Open Records Law

Attorney Henry E. Hockeimer, Jr., left, and former Mayor Stephen Reed after Reed's arraignment July 14 on corruption charges.

Attorney Henry E. Hockeimer, Jr., left, and former Mayor Stephen Reed after Reed’s arraignment July 14 on corruption charges.

The Philadelphia attorney representing former Harrisburg Mayor Stephen Reed has filed a wide-ranging set of requests for city records, enlisting the state’s right-to-know laws in Reed’s defense against corruption charges, TheBurg has learned.

Henry E. Hockeimer, Jr., of the Philadelphia law firm Ballard Spahr, sent the open-records requests to city hall between July 20 and July 28, a week after Reed was arraigned on racketeering charges stemming from a state grand jury probe.

He asked for a vast array of documents, including Reed’s correspondence with various officials and advisors, minutes and agendas of several years’ worth of meetings, files related to city borrowings and current Mayor Eric Papenfuse’s communications with law enforcement and reporters.

The requests, themselves a matter of public record once submitted, were provided to TheBurg in response to a right-to-know request.

The purpose of the records request is not clear. Under state law, requesters are not required to provide their reasons for seeking records. Hockeimer, reached late on Thursday, had no immediate comment, except to say he had filed an appeal for parts of the requests the city had denied.

But in building their cases, defense attorneys sometimes assert the right to review government records to survey the evidence gathered against their clients and build stories that counter the ones told by prosecutors.

“The state’s investigation is the state’s investigation. It’s not the defendant’s investigation,” said Ion Meyn, a visiting assistant professor at the University of Wisconsin law school and a former faculty member at the Wisconsin Innocence Project. “To rely just on what the state has investigated would be a mistake.”

The state’s initial disclosures about a case “should trigger successive, targeted, and written demands that are reiterated on the record, deepening accountability,” Meyn wrote in 2014, in an article for GPSolo, a publication of the American Bar Association. “A counter-investigation is essential to checking the state’s work.”

Nonetheless, the use of open records requests by defense lawyers does not appear to be widespread in Pennsylvania, according to Erik Arneson, director of the state open records office.

In part, that may be because one of several exemptions in the law, pertaining to records of a criminal investigation, is “broad enough that there’s not much to be gained” from making such requests, Arneson said.

At the same time, records that were deemed public before their connection to any criminal investigation generally remain public after charges are filed, he said.

In Reed’s case, Hockeimer sent a series of four open records requests to Harrisburg city hall, asking for documents in detailed lists that appear to stem from allegations in a grand jury report that was made public July 14.

On the basis of the report, Reed was arraigned that morning on 17 criminal charges encompassing 499 individual counts, including theft, bribery, deceptive business practices, criminal solicitation, evidence tampering and misapplication of entrusted property. Topping the list was a racketeering charge, a first-degree felony.

The report alleged that Reed, the seven-term mayor of Pennsylvania’s capital, used public borrowings to divert fees to pet projects, like acquiring Western-style and other artifacts. It portrayed the former mayor as heedlessly leading the city deeper and deeper into debt in the service of personal interests with little or no public benefit.

Reed, speaking the morning of his arraignment, said he had not been a part of any crime. “I devoted my life to the city of Harrisburg, and I look forward to waging a vigorous fight against these charges,” he said.

In his requests, Hockeimer targeted documents that appear to be related to specific allegations. For example, he asked the city for files related to “the City Council special projects fund created in 2003,” which the state has alleged was created as a bribe to secure council votes for a new borrowing on the Harrisburg incinerator.

In another example, he asked for the personnel file and travel records of Richard Pickles, a former city police captain whom Reed allegedly deputized to collect artifacts on cross-county road trips that were paid for by the city.

Some of the requested records are likely to be voluminous. One list includes a request for “all records including, but not limited to, documents, notes, correspondence and files” related to eight separate years of bond offerings. The closing documents alone for a single bond offering can run to many hundreds of pages.

In the case of some records, it’s not clear on what basis Hockeimer believes them to be in the possession of city government. For instance, he asked for records that current Mayor Eric Papenfuse provided to the Patriot-News, the FBI, the state police and the state attorney general between the fall of 2007 and the present.

Papenfuse did not take office until 2013, though he was briefly a board member of what was formerly the Harrisburg Authority, a governmental entity, before resigning in the fall of 2007. In 2009, during a campaign for city council, he claimed publicly that he had been assisting the FBI’s public corruption unit with an investigation into Reed.

Attorney General Kathleen Kane gave credit to Papenfuse’s persistence when she announced the charges against Reed last month. “Sometimes the squeaky wheel gets the grease, and he wouldn’t let it go,” she said.

Harrisburg solicitor Neil Grover said Thursday that he could not comment on the requests, saying the city was in the midst of a legal review.

The grand jury probe, which was extended by court order to January 2016, is ongoing.

Continue Reading

Bond Don: Mayor for Life or Head of the Family?

Screenshot 2015-07-31 09.49.58On Friday, March 29, 2013, a grand jury in Fulton County, Ga., returned indictments against 35 educators in the Atlanta public school system, in connection with a test-cheating scandal spanning nearly a decade.

The scandal, described as the largest of its kind in the country’s history, made national news. Prosecutors said teachers, principals, administrators and testing coordinators had conspired to fraudulently boost Atlanta schools’ performance on standardized tests, bringing accolades and financial rewards to district leaders. For example, the superintendent, Dr. Beverly Hall, earned more than $500,000 in bonuses during her tenure.

The educators were charged under Georgia laws against racketeering—the state alleged the systematic cheating amounted to a criminal conspiracy. Georgia’s racketeering laws are modeled on the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations act, enacted in 1970. The law, often referred to by the acronym RICO, was initially intended to give the government new tools to prosecute criminal organizations like the Mafia. In the years after its passage, a number of states passed their own racketeering laws, often referred to as “little” or “baby” RICOs. Pennsylvania’s were enacted in 1972. At the time, the state legislature repeated the rationale of the U.S. Congress, noting that “organized crime is a highly sophisticated, diversified, and widespread phenomenon” draining “billions of dollars from the national economy” each year.

Last month, Pennsylvania’s racketeering laws were invoked in a sweeping criminal complaint against Harrisburg’s former Mayor Stephen Reed. Topping the list of 17 charges, which encompassed 499 counts of individual crimes, were two counts of “corrupt organizations,” each of them a first-degree felony. Much like the charges against the Atlanta educators, the complaint claimed that Reed ran the affairs of the Harrisburg Authority, a borrowing entity ostensibly separate from city government, as an ongoing criminal enterprise. Prosecutors alleged Reed had engaged in a “pattern of racketeering activity,” primarily through acts of theft and bribery, beginning on Christmas Eve, 1990, and continuing until he left office, at the beginning of 2010. (The start date, though not explained in the complaint, is not arbitrary: on that date, Reed wrote a memo to the Authority board, requesting the creation of a “special projects fund” for the exclusive use of the city.)

The charges were the result of an ongoing probe by a statewide investigating grand jury. In their report, incorporated as part of the complaint, jurors claimed to have uncovered a “Reed model” of issuing debt, then diverting proceeds to illegitimate projects, while creating fees for a “coterie” of select professionals. The report described these borrowings as misguided in and of themselves, referring to the “crushing weight” of debt incurred on Reed’s watch by the city and related entities. But it also alleged various forms of theft, including theft that personally enriched Reed, who was said to have been hoarding Western and other artifacts bought with city money at his home and in a private facility. In one case, Reed allegedly bribed city councilors to get them to approve a new borrowing.

Do the charges mean Reed was a kind of local Don Corleone, running city government like a Harrisburg crime family? Not exactly. The racketeering claim may partly be an effort to solve a statute-of-limitations problem—under the law, prosecutors can bring charges for older crimes, as long as they are linked to more recent behavior. “You can reach back to earlier acts, as long as the later acts took place within the statute of limitations,” Robert Power, an associate dean at Widener University’s Commonwealth Law School and a former federal prosecutor, told me. Initially, Pennsylvania courts viewed the state’s racketeering laws as excluding cases like Reed’s. But, perhaps because they provided such powerful tools, in the mid-1990s they were amended to expressly cover cases not traditionally thought of as organized crime. Similarly, federal prosecutors have used RICO to pursue a wide variety of targets, including public officials and financial institutions.

Not everyone is happy about this broader application. “The RICO law frightens many lawyers and judges,” a 1979 article in Newsweek reported. “They worry about language so loosely drawn that it lets the government sweep even smalltime, white-collar defendants and public officials into the same fit as underworld hit men.” “It’s a vehicle to drag in more people for more crimes,” Power said. “A person involved in a relatively small part of the crime can be charged with crimes they’ve never even heard of.” Defense lawyers for the Atlanta educators made much the same argument, suggesting that prosecutors had overreached in bringing racketeering charges. A former federal prosecutor in Georgia, speaking to the New York Times after 11 of 12 defendants were found guilty at trial, wondered whether the state had “killed a fly with the proverbial sledgehammer.”

In Reed’s case, the racketeering charges also have a narrative aim, having to do less with the consequences of his borrowings than with their underlying psychology. What the prosecution has tried to do is tell a story linking his acts together under a single, organizing purpose. To this end, the grand jury report portrayed Reed’s artifact buying not as a project to draw tourism, as the mayor once claimed, but as an almost pathological addiction. In one passage, it paraphrased Randy King, a former aide of the mayor’s, as describing the artifact purchases as a “therapeutic personal endeavor—a personal means of stress management.” On the basis of such testimony, jurors concluded that the “prudent stewardship and innovative thinking which Reed brought to his office early on gave way to a use of public money and other resources to gratify his own interests at the city’s expense.”

Reed’s defense, in turn, has begun to tell the story of a different sort of addiction. “He loved his job as mayor and he poured his heart and soul into it,” his attorney said the morning of his arraignment. Or, as Reed told WITF television for a 1997 documentary, “There is no personal Stephen Reed separate from Mayor Reed. They’re one and the same.” No doubt such claims of self-sacrifice are in some sense true. The question is what Reed expected from the city in return.

Continue Reading

TheBurg Podcast, July 17, 2015

Welcome to TheBurg Podcast, a weekly roundup of news in and around Harrisburg.

July 17, 2015: Earlier this week, Pennsylvania Attorney General Kathleen Kane announced a sweeping set of criminal charges against former Harrisburg Mayor Stephen Reed. The 17 charges, approved by an investigating grand jury, encompass 499 counts including bribery, theft and racketeering. The charges mostly surround Reed’s alleged use of public borrowings to improperly divert funds to personal interests, such as acquiring artifacts for a never-realized network of museums. On this week’s podcast, Larry and Paul talk about the charges, what it was like covering Reed’s arraignment and what’s to come in the continuing investigation.

Special thanks to Paul Cooley, who wrote our theme music. Check out his podcast, the PRC Show, on SoundCloud or in the iTunes store.

TheBurg Podcast can be downloaded by clicking on the date above or by visiting the iTunes store. You can also access the podcast via its host page.

Continue Reading

TheBurg Podcast, July 3, 2015

Welcome to TheBurg Podcast, a weekly roundup of news in and around Harrisburg.

July 3, 2015: In this week’s rockets’-red-glare edition of the podcast, Larry and Paul talk about a bad budget forecast stemming from parking problems, a City Island vendor who hasn’t been paying his rent, and a firework-style scattering of updates about the grand jury investigation into Harrisburg finances and the city’s July 4 celebrations.

Special thanks to Paul Cooley, who wrote our theme music. Check out his podcast, the PRC Show, on SoundCloud or in the iTunes store.

TheBurg Podcast can be downloaded by clicking on the date above or by visiting the iTunes store. You can also access the podcast via its host page.

Continue Reading

Probe Into Harrisburg Finances Extended

Investigators removing artifacts from the Midtown home of former Mayor Stephen Reed in early June. (File photo.)

Investigators removing artifacts from the Midtown home of former Mayor Stephen Reed in early June. (File photo.)

A statewide grand jury probe into Harrisburg’s debt crisis has been extended another six months to late January 2016, a court administrator confirmed this week.

James Koval, of the Administrative Office of Pennsylvania Courts, said the state Supreme Court approved the extension on May 26, after a majority of the jurors voted to request the additional time.

The grand jury has been meeting in Pittsburgh under supervising Judge Norman A. Krumenaker III of Cambria County, with an 18-month term originally set to expire in late July. The extension means it will now last up to 24 months, the maximum length allowable for grand juries, Koval said.

The grand jury is reportedly probing the financial crisis that bloomed under former Mayor Stephen Reed, focusing particularly on a set of risky borrowings related to the city incinerator but including other areas of governance during his 28-year reign.

The extension was previously reported by WITF news.

Grand juries are protected by secrecy rules, but there have been occasional hints about the probe’s scope and progress.

Attorney General Kathleen Kane, whose office is spearheading the probe, said during a Senate committee hearing in March that she hoped it was nearing a conclusion but that “no stone will be left unturned.”

Mayor Eric Papenfuse acknowledged testifying before the jury in 2014, but he said Tuesday he is now under a judicial gag order and cannot comment on his testimony.

Bill Cluck, a board member of what was formerly the Harrisburg Authority, which borrowed to retrofit the incinerator in 2003 and 2007, has also said he testified.

The Patriot-News published photographs in April of past city officials arriving in Pittsburgh, either to testify or to meet with prosecutors.

Among those identified were former city controller James McCarthy, Daniel Lispi, a project manager of the incinerator retrofit, and Reed himself.

TheBurg also reported that month that records of a $33,000 reimbursement paid to Reed in 2003 for artifacts he ostensibly bought for city archives were among the materials presented to jurors.

Just last month, investigators raided Reed’s Midtown home, carrying out boxes and various Western-style artifacts, including saddles, barrels and a stuffed coyote.

Reed later told reporters that everything removed was his personal property.

Continue Reading

A Year of Change: In 2014, you had to sift through the pastors, treasurers and gun-packing lawmakers to get to the most important news.

At TheBurg, we’re not much into new media stuff.

Link bait, user-generated content, seeding. Yuck.

In recent months, I’ve had several news people defend aggregation to me, the practice of taking content produced by others and liberally repurposing it for one’s own use.

“We used to call that plagiarism,” I’ve snapped back, stunned that reporters are now being told to do things that used to get them fired.

Then there’s the listicle.

Using lists to convey information has been around for a long time.

For years, one of my favorite features in the Washington Post was the annual “What’s Out and In” list that appeared every New Year’s Day. I had no idea how the contributors determined what would be hot or not over the coming year (why, a few years back, were “cancer memoirs” out and “grief memoirs” in? Beats me), but I relished sitting down with a big cup of coffee and poring over the lengthy, whimsical list every Jan. 1.

In part, I enjoyed the feature because of its novelty. Presenting information as a list was an exception, not the rule, or a crutch, as it’s become for many media outlets today.

For the past few years, I’ve created my own list each January: the Top 10 Harrisburg news stories of the past year.

So, enjoy the list for what it is: a highly subjective summation and ranking, with my own spin on the year’s news. Feel free to nod, argue or curse me out. And I promise not to make a habit of it. This will be my one and only listicle of 2015.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.44.4010. Civil War War: Sometimes, big stories seem to pop up from nowhere, and the scuffle over funding for the Civil War Museum fit into that category. Without notice, Harrisburg Mayor Eric Papenfuse appeared at a Dauphin County commissioners session to mount a case for negating an agreement that set aside about $300,000 a year in hotel tax money for the museum. Over the ensuing months, the city and county revived issues that hadn’t been discussed much in years: the purpose of the museum, its viability, its funding and how Harrisburg should use its limited funds to market itself. It also re-engaged the always-simmering battle over the legacy of former Mayor Stephen Reed.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.44.509. Pastor Arrested: Upon taking office, Papenfuse declared an all-out war on blight, targeting slumlords, deploying codes officers and even formulating a new Housing Court. That sounded fine to most people until the first person arrested under the get-tough policy was one of the city’s most prominent pastors, Bishop A.E. Sullivan, Jr., whose blighted church began to crumble down on its neighbors. For some, the arrest was an early test of Papenfuse’s resolve. For others, it signaled the re-emergence of racial tensions that always seem to lie just beneath the surface in Harrisburg.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.44.588. Grand Jury Convened: What happens when you open a closet and a room full of secrets pours out? In the case of Harrisburg, a grand jury is empaneled. At press time, months after official-looking guys in official-looking jackets hauled away box-loads of potential evidence to Pittsburgh, the investigation continued into the myriad twisted, dubious deals that led to Harrisburg’s financial collapse.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.45.087. Primetime Crime: If it bleeds, it leads, right? The media continued to have a field day (or year—or years) over the issue of crime in Harrisburg. Not that there wasn’t ample material to draw from. A continuing high homicide rate largely negated the good news that some other types of crime fell. Meanwhile, a few high-profile stories (the tragic case of Jared Tutko, Jr., a brief exchange of gunfire between a state legislator and a teenage mugger) led to predictable bouts of media hysteria. We’ll have to see if a few more cops and, as has been proposed, the revival of the school resource officer program make any difference for 2015.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.45.216. Treasurer Trouble: Sometimes, it seems like Harrisburg just can’t catch a break. In August, trouble arose from an unexpected corner when city Treasurer John Campbell—a young man with a seemingly boundless future—was arrested on charges of taking money from several organizations where he also served as treasurer. These allegations involved no city business, and the treasurer’s office operates largely independently from the administration. Nonetheless, Campbell’s arrest was yet another reason for people to dump on Harrisburg, as was the withdrawal, two months later, of his appointed successor, Timothy East, after a personal bankruptcy came to light.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.45.445. Receivership Ends: It came in with a bang and ended with a whimper. No, I’m not talking about the month of March, but about Harrisburg’s state-imposed receivership. In November 2011, bond attorney David Unkovic rode into the office amid tremendous skepticism over his intentions. In just a few months, he allayed those worries so that, when he suddenly resigned, many people feared the city had lost its best friend. In stormed Air Force Maj. Gen. William Lynch, who completed what Unkovic had started: selling the incinerator, privatizing the parking system and trying to straighten out and normalize Harrisburg’s calamitous finances. Count me among the surprised that the receivership ended so quickly after the major elements of the financial recovery plan were put into place. Today, the state retains some supervision over city finances as Harrisburg remains in Act 47. However, the receivership was never as strong-armed as many thought it would be, and, instead of fading away, it just went away.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.45.534. Parking, Parking and More Parking: Besides crime, parking became the media’s go-to story of the year. Sleepy news day? Go find some suburbanites and restaurateurs pissed off about the rising cost of parking. Beneath the hype, there was a real story. As part of the city’s financial recovery agreement, parking rates doubled and metered parking expanded, which did negatively impact some businesses. In addition, the rollout of the new digital meters was bumpy, and Standard Parking was (how shall I put this?) god-awful in communicating with the public. But, by the end of the year, people seemed to be adjusting, and the new regimen even had some pluses, such as a new source of revenue for the city, the ability to use credit cards and much higher turnover of street spaces. Also, while some weak businesses shut down (though not all due to parking, believe it or not), several others opened.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.46.053. Front Street Makeover: Sometimes, events are deemed important because they follow an accepted standard of what constitutes news—a political scandal or a high-profile crime, for instance. Other times, the importance is less certain, and only later do people realize the significance of a piece of news. I put the state’s announcement that, starting this spring, it will reconstruct Front Street, into the second category. Moreover, the state is studying improvements to Forster Street and to making much of N. 2nd Street two-way. It also plans to re-open the dormant rail bridge to pedestrians and maybe transit. In other words, the state seems to want to reverse the damage wrought almost six decades ago, when much of Harrisburg was turned into either a freeway or a traffic island, with devastating results. A more welcome, livable city could be a game-changer for Harrisburg.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.46.152. Papenfuse Takes Over: In January 2014, Eric Papenfuse took the oath of office as mayor of Harrisburg. In so doing, he promised to be both an effective administrator and an inspirational leader. A year later, I’m not sure about “inspirational,” but he has shown competence both in identifying what needs to be done and then taking steps to get those things done. From finances to blight to streetlights to schools, Papenfuse took on a full plate of issues, most very difficult, many controversial. My fellow columnist, Tara Leo Auchey, has described Harrisburg as being in a state of “reconstruction” following decades of misrule. The administration’s first year has been to try to stabilize a government in shambles and then plant the seeds of that reconstruction.

Screenshot 2014-12-29 10.46.561. Balanced Budget: This may seem like an odd choice for the #1 news story in Harrisburg. Yawn, right? Yes, in most cities, a balanced budget indeed would be a non-event. In Harrisburg, however, this was (or should have been) major news, as it was the city’s first truly balanced budget in—God knows—20, 30 years? Papenfuse even insisted on including items that had been kept off-budget for decades, as Reed was a genius at tucking inconvenient expenses into places where they couldn’t be found, then masking the overage with borrowing. This is an achievement that should not be understated. Going forward, it should allow the city to build an honest foundation and move forward from there.

So, there you have it—my Top 10 stories of 2014. Looking at the year in whole, I consider 2014 to have been a transition year: a transition from state to local control; a transition from perpetual crisis to some level of normalcy; and, I hope, a transition from dishonest and incompetent government to one that conscientiously serves the people of Harrisburg.

Lawrance Binda is editor-in-chief of TheBurg.

Continue Reading